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Before the Islamic Revolution in Iran, different groups and parties strived to overthrow the Pahlavi regime. To realign the people and elites in the society with them, they had to present their rationale behind thetheircertainaty about rom he objective conditions. Regime, however, rejection of the existing regime and the desirable condition following that as well as to show the way to achieve that promised society. Each active group or party at the time drew on their contemporary schools and theories for offering the reason of the rejection of the existent condition and the way to achieve the ideal one. Among them were some parties, who put their analysis of the socio-political conditions on the basis of Marxist ideology or campaigned against the Pahlavi regime building on this ideology. Such parties included the Tudeh Party, FadaeeKhalgh guerrillas and Mujahedeen-e-Khalgh guerrillas. The Tudeh Party labeled this regime as totalitarian and based on the American imperialism. Consequently, it requested the replacement of this regime with a national one. This party regarded revolution as the best way to overthrow the regime; however, they believed that preparing the population’s mentality for revolution required political and cultural actions. The Fadaee guerrillas used this same argument against the Pahlavi regime but they believed that the alternative government must be established under the leadership of a leading Labor Party. The Fadaee guerrillas too saw revolution as the only way to the ideal condition but, unlike the Tudeh Party, they believed in guerrilla war as a way to prepare the people. The Mujahedeen-e-Khalgh developed the same argument to oppose the Pahlavi regime but, unlike the two other they regarded the mindset as already prepared for revolution apart from their certainty about the objective conditions.  According to the Mujahedeen organization, the only reason behind the defeat of the campaign was lack of organization to lead the populations, a vacuum that must be filled by the parties. For Mujahedeen, the ideal society was a classless and monotheist one.

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The economic structure in oil-dependent countries is different from other countries. The human development index (HDI) may increase due to rising oil rents and subsequent increases in per capita income, but there may be no significant improvement in other indicators (literacy rate and life expectancy). The improper injection of oil rents into the country's budget without investing in manufacturing, agriculture and services, whether domestically or abroad, leads to the Dutch disease and “resource curse”. Bilateral official development assistance (BODA) from the members of the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) can have a positive impact on human development without having a negative impact on various economic and social aspects. In this regard, this study examines the impact of BODA on human development using a Panel-Fully Modified Ordinary Least Squares (Panal-FMOLS) model in selected countries (Iran, Iraq, Turkey, Yemen, Jordan, Azerbaijan and Georgia from Southwest Asia, and Indonesia, Philippines, Malaysia, Thailand, Vietnam and Myanmar from Southeast Asia) during 1999-2018. The results indicate that BODA and health expenditure have positive and significant effects on HDI. The findings also indicate a significant negative impact of oil rent, population growth rate and unemployment rate on HDI. The effect of personal remittances is different in the two samples, so that these funds have negative impact on HDI in the Southwest Asia and a positive effect on HDI in the Southeast Asia.