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Sport has its own discourse which bears discursive features as sport spreads through body and language.. In sport discourse, we can see cultural indexes which have clear impact on sport discourse. Sport is like a medium for culture. When we learn sport knowledge we learn implicitly cultural patterns of the society in which that sport is popular. The cultural indexes are reflected in sport discourse in form of situation, social behaviors, customs, norms and values of the community. Performative discourses have three main key elements of act, value and change which are also present in sport discourse. In this paper, we intend to explain we could not remove all the cultural indexes of sport educational discourse just due to their differences with our cultural patterns and how they are efficient in improving discourse of sport. In this research with random selection among women trainers of body building and fitness sport, 15 women trainers were questioned orally with questionnaires on the impact of cultural indexes on their training. Results show all indexes are involved effectively in the educational discourse of sport.

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Compounding is one of the subjects, which have been always under research in the history of linguistic studies from different aspects. In the area of semantics of compounds, due to the principle of semantic compositionality that unites the meaning of components of a compound to reach out a compositional meaning, we find endocentric compounds with a semantic head. On the other hand, there are plentiful of compounds in a language, which have no semantic head and, consequently, no compositionality. Therefore, we find the referent of the compound out of it, which should be listed in lexicon and to be memorized. Exocentric compounds with no clear semantic head and no compositionality have opaque meaning. Based on the claims of Carin’s theory, which has a cognitive approach, we could explain that the reason that a compound is transparent or opaque in meaning is due to the existence or lack of a semantic relation. The very semantic relation that Carin’s theory recognizes as the key entity for interpretation is at the same time responsible for a compound being transparent or opaque. In endocentric compound, the relation existing between head and modifier creates the focal concept in the compound. In fact, by this semantic relation, we come to interpret noun compound even if we face with it for the first time. Having or not having a semantic relation for a compound is the key explanation behind the semantic transparency and opacity.  

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This study analyzes the structure and mechanism of derivational adverbs in standard Persian with a cognitive approach. Based on this approach historical changes and appearing new categories in a language originate in the mind and cognition of the speakers. The birth of an adverb in a language bears some cognitive mechanisms in the mind. The importance of an adverb is due to this fact that it is the sole category that can be an adverb by nature or to be an adjective with the function of adverb or it is a category-functional linguistic element. Therefore, a linguistic item can be always an adverb by nature or be derived from adjectives which are derivational adverb. In comparison to other categories of a language like noun, verb, adjective, proposition- which are basic and primary categories, an adverb can be said to be a secondary category since in most cases it is derived from adjectives by derivation. In a sentence, adverb is just a grammatical function which modifies the sentence or the verb. This research will study the cognitive process of derivational adverbs in Persian which are formed by adding the suffix “aneh” to a root.   

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Polysemy is one of the most important, and traditional area in the semantic and lexical relations studies. Polysemy is a lexeme or word which has several meanings which are all somehow related. Regarding distinctive features of the words which are seen as polysemy cases, the study of these concepts and meanings specifically, and lexical relations in general is in the focus of the two recent decades researches in the cognitive linguistics, and also for psycholinguistics. We could find a rather rich literature in the study of polysemy in the field of lexical semantic and also cognitive semantics. In the traditional lexical semantics, collocation and the adjacent words are very important to add to the meaning of a word. In cognitive semantics, different concepts of an expression is connected to a central or proto typical concept in a network like connections which represents the fact that one concept is central, and the rest are non-central or secondary but related somehow to this primary meaning or concept. Indeed, the metaphorical extensions have no place among the actual concepts of a word. Polysemy could not include the figurative meanings of a word. Polysemy typically is a matter of nonfigurative and lexical meaning. In Persian, it has been always a tendency toward semantics and the lexical relations surveys. This tendency reveals the subject as a demanding area. In this descriptive and analytic paper, the types of polysemy of Persian with a cognitive approach, and classification of Evans' study will be considered, and discussed with the examples to testify if this classification will also be applicable to Persian or not. Evans suggests that polysemy might be one of the three kinds of conceptual, lexical and inter-lexical. What is important in Evan's approach is the semantic components of a word which could be activated in the relevant contexts, and this activation may represents some kind of conceptual polysemy. What is traditionally considered as polysemy is mostly treated as lexical polysemy in Evan's study. Conceptual polysemy with regards to the features as size, color, shape etc. of a single concept, and different activations of these features proposes a new look at the polysemy. In lexical polysemy, one meaning is central or primary from which other meanings emerge in a radial manner. Most of the polysemy cases in a language could be found as a lexical polysemy in Evan's terms. Different categories in language including nouns, verbs, adjectives and adverbs represent polysemy. Inter-lexical polysemy includes the possible polysemy relations between two words with different usages. A cognitive approach as Evan's consider polysemy in a language  is based on a primary or central concept, selection and activation of some features of a concept, the effect of context, mental and cognitive accessibility of the speakers to a definite cognitive pattern to come to a specific interpretation. A point worth to mention here is that regarding polysemy, a word might have a figurative or metaphorical meaning in a context which is not often mentioned among the meanings in a lexical entry. This meaning is totally context- based. Polysemy is not mainly related to a special context but it is the second or third or even more actual, and inherent meaning of a word and it could be found in a dictionary. Although context plays an important role for the selection of the right meaning, metaphorical meaning is a selection which is dependent on the paradigmatic relations due to some conceptual similarities. However, this metaphorical meaning is not part of the central meaning and as a result the polysemy. This paper, with the identification of these types of polysemy in Persian,  is to analyze, and evaluates a semantic subject with a cognitive approach.With evidences presented in this paper from Persian ,Evans' approach is proved to be useful for and applicable to the polysemy analysis in Persian, and more it represents a different, and innovative method for studying polysemy.
 
 

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In this research, taboo and euphemism are examined with a socio-cognitive perspective. The study is conducted on the structures of expressions in Persian and English and 15 pairs (30 items) of these terms are compared and contrasted. Social topics such as social variables, taboo and euphemism, cognitive subjects including schema applications, and metaphors are included in this investigation. The main purpose is to clarify the similarities and differences existing in the two languages. Data are analyzed analytically and descriptively. The results show that the terms that contain taboo, are converted to other terms that have a kind of euphemism, so they are euphemized in order to be accepted in the society. The data is part of the most commonly used idioms and proverbs used in Persian and English. We collected the data from the documentary, library, electronic sources like internet, and also used the related books in relation to the types of idioms and proverbs in two languages. The research hypothesis is that although in the surface structure and objective representation of the two-languages, speakers have differences in the use of taboo and euphemism, but in the underlying structure of the languages, there are very similar concepts based on cognitive-socio elements of language. These concepts are coded through metaphors in the minds of the speakers. In this study, we will answer the following question: Based on which schemas taboo
and euphemism are formed in the minds of the speakers in these two languages? And what are social aspects of these two issues? Variables of style, gender, age, occupation, social class and power; as well as force, event, object and possession schemas have been mostly used in the structures of expressions. Sometimes people look at the subject from one point of view; sometimes this point of view involves several topics. Based on the subject in their mind, an expression that has the right schema is selected. The expressions in both languages have the same semantic underlying structure and subject, but in the surface structure, the objective representation and the structure of each item are different. In fact, every term has a kind of conceptual metaphor in its structure that forms a kind of connection between the underlying structure of that term in terms of its semantic and its surface structure, in terms of constituent words. Therefore, the concept and subject are the same, but the ways to deal with these concepts are different. As mentioned, most of the schemas used to create these terms are force (or power), event, object and possession schemas. Volumetric, motor and surface schemas are used at lower levels. Meanwhile, the types of application and structures used in taboo and euphemisms depend on the positioning of individuals based on the principles of politeness, which points to the link between social and cognitive foundations. In sum, the study of the collection of these elements, with a cognitive-socio approach, in relation to taboo and euphemisms, in English and Persian is a systematic and new study that we investigated in this research in details.
 

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When a form is more complex or more marked, the meaning will be more complex consequently. A sentence could be said to be marked if it does not follow the conventional or unmarked word order pattern of a language. Changing word order is done by the syntactic processes which make a sentence marked. The typical function of an unmarked sentence is to show focus on some elements. Markedness can be represented as binary or as a cline which begins with unmarked, and it ends in the most marked one .For markedness, what is mainly considered is that complex or marked form has more morphemes than the unmarked form. Moreover, the occurrence frequency of the unmarked form is much higher than its marked counterpart. Therefore there is a direct relation between the markedness of a form and its semantic variety and complexity. Different syntactic processes in a language can change an unmarked sentence to a marked one mostly to represent more focus on one of the elements of the sentence. Among others also we find that serial verb construction(SVC) is an unmarked sentence. Serial verb construction or verb serialization is defined as a string of verbs or verb phrases that are not separated by a connector and the verbs in this construction share the same grammatical information and sometimes the same arguments, and finally this construction describes a single event. This paper will analyze some samples of the unmarked sentences of the standard modern Persian which are the result of the syntactic processes and, it could be seen in topicalized, clefting, scrambled and SVC sentences among others. The main hypothesis of this paper is that the standard word order change of Persian sentences which are the result of the syntactic processes is related to the concept of markedness. A different type of markedness will be introduced in this paper. In Persian we mostly find this new recognized type of markedness which is movement markedness. Beside movement markedness, the formal markedness is also seen in the syntactic structures of Persian among others. Movement markedness is found in syntactic structures and specifically word order because movement is a key issue in syntax. The function of this markedness is to focus the moved element. Markedness is not a process but it is an abstract phenomenon which is revealed by syntactic movements but it is not a process by itself. When a syntactic process like passivization works in a language, the state of sentence changes from unmarked to marked. This formal markedness beside the distributional markedness are often at work when there is movement markedness in the structure. This paper will show that this type of markedness is very frequent in creating new syntactic structures. It is predictable that the movement markedness is a universal concept and it works in other languages too, since there is no language without syntax. The movement markedness shows how syntax with syntactic processes employs markedness to create diversity and different functions.
 

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Ambiguity is one of the most important issues in lexical semantics and linguistics, and it has been studied from different approaches so far. It has a very long tradition of research in the history of linguistic studies. However, this paper will open a new perspective in studying semantic lexical ambiguity based on analysis of some cases in Farsi language, and as a result a new cognitive- semantic hypothesis will be introduced and discussed. Studying ambiguity with a cognitive approach may have some theoretical advantages which are not limited to Farsi language, and it could be generalized to all languages.Lexical ambiguity could be found when a word or lexeme presents more than one meaning at the same time by which a language user cannot easily detect the actual meaning. There are also syntactic and pragmatic ambiguities, but this research is about the semantic lexical ambiguity. Some cases of lexical ambiguity are homonymy words that are pronounced, and spelled similar but they are different words with different meanings.In this paper, a new hypothesis will be introduced which deals with the semantic lexical ambiguity with a cognitive approach. This hypothesis will be called dual readings hypothesis of semantic lexical ambiguity.
 
1. Introduction
Some cases of lexical ambiguity are homonymy words that are pronounced, and spelled similar but they are different words with different meanings. Polysemy also could lead to ambiguity when the context is not sufficient. However, another aspect of semantic lexical ambiguity could be seen in a word or lexeme when the word has both literal and figurative meanings, or explicit and implicit meanings, and the selection of the actual and final meaning is not easily possible for the recipient. Again, the context will remove ambiguity. Semantic lexical ambiguity is a result of double or multiple readings in a sentence or an utterance because of being some ambiguous word(s) in that linguistic unit. Homonymy words are by themselves ambiguous which will not be discussed in this paper. Ambiguity could not be considered as contextual sensitivity in which a change in the context may result in ambiguity. Context is the matter in contextual sensitivity. Semantic lexical ambiguity is typically relevant to co-text not context. Context could raise another type of ambiguity. Vagueness is different from lexical ambiguity in that way it refers to the general concept of a word not its specific feature(s).Ambiguity could be found between lexical meaning of a word and its figurative meaning. In Farsi for instance, the word Bimar has two different meaning of physically, or mentally, or morally ill. If someone refers this word to a person he could intend the lexical meaning which is physically or mentally ill, or its figurative meaning which is morally ill, and even a dangerous person. Moreover, if a word has polysemy meanings with explicit and implicit meanings it may be resulted in ambiguity. The main question of the present research is to find out if there would be an explanation with a cognitive approach for reaching out the actual meaning of a word which has semantic lexical ambiguity, and if this explanation could possibly lead to a hypothesis.
 
2. Methodology
All data presented in this paper are from spoken or written Farsi with no diachronic study. Some research has been done about this area in Farsi which has been mentioned in the paper. Farsi language is very rich in lexicon, and many cases of words with semantic lexical ambiguity could be found in Farsi. Most of the researches in Farsi have been done in the framework of the lexical semantics. The main issue which is discussed in this paper is that in many cases, the lexical ambiguity could be found out in words with both primary and secondary meanings, and implicit and explicit meanings. while it might seem that recognition of lexical meaning from figurative meaning should be easy but there are many cases in Farsi which might have semantic lexical ambiguity because the recipient cannot  come to a single reading of meaning of a word in a sentence or in a phrase, and more co-text, and also  in some cases context is needed to remove ambiguity. That happens because speakers minds have access to all primary and figurative meanings of a word at the same time especially when he/she is a native speaker of that language. The selected data reveal the semantic lexical ambiguity including both primary and secondary meanings in certain co-texts at the same time.The hypothesis is proved to work out in analyzing this type of ambiguity in Farsi.
 
 
3. Results
In this paper, a new hypothesis will be introduced which deals with the semantic lexical ambiguity with a cognitive approach. Some cases with semantic lexical ambiguity in Farsi will be discussed regarding this hypothesis. According to this hypothesis, when a Farsi speaker hears or reads a word or sentence which has lexical ambiguity, his/her mind based on speakers cognitive and linguistic competence processes the prototype meaning in the first phase. In this level, the lexical and primary meanings are retrieved and recognized. If there exists sufficient co-text then this primary meaning will be recognized, maintained and  will be understood, and if co-text is not enough for understanding the real meaning of the ambiguous word, simultaneously the second phase or secondary schema would be activated. Then, a semantic cognitive reading will be done in both implicit and explicit meaning levels of a concept and both levels will be activated in the speaker mind to recognize the real meaning. This reading could be reverse from figurative to lexical meaning based on the individual and past experiences of speakers which it would be then a marked reading. Mostly, the reading of meanings of a word begins with its prototype meaning.
 
4. Conclusion
The advantage of introduction of dual readings hypothesis of semantic lexical ambiguity is that it provides access to both lexical, primary and explicit meanings, and on the other hand, the secondary, figurative, and implicit  meanings. This hypothesis is about ambiguity of word which has primary and secondary meaning or it has somehow metaphorical extension or figurative meaning. Dual readings is a result of ambiguity and it will change to single reading for a linguistic unit when further co-text will be provided. In the literature of cognitive linguistic from beginning up to now, the concept of schema plays an important role. It is as the primary meaning of a word in another word. It is the main source of a metaphorical extension of a meaning of a word which results in a figurative and implicit meaning in that word. Schema is as a prototype concept from which various related concepts may emerge. The hypothesis discussed in this paper verifies that the primary and secondary meanings are inseparable because the dual readings have access to both which in turn causes semantic lexical ambiguity. Semantic and cognitive of Farsi speakers and most probably other speakers of other languages benefit from such dual access to different aspects of meaning of a word. This hypothesis considers the fact that no secondary or figurative or implicit meanings of a word has an independent status without its relation to the lexical and prototype meaning of that word. This paper is to explain the cause of semantic lexical ambiguity and its effects with a new cognitive hypothesis.

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Based upon diachronic-cognitive linguists, language structure is the product of our interaction with the world around us. The way we build discourse and develop linguistic categories can immediately be derived from the way we experience our environment and use that experience in specific communication. Thanks to recent works on the evolution of grammatical categories e.g auxiliaries, we now have a sizable knowledge of the main patterns of grammaticalization which allows for fairly reliable linguistic reconstructions and hypotheses on genetic evolution through main cognitive processes e.g semantic bleeching. Following the doctorines of cognitive semantics, the present proposal bears an attempt to discover and define which aspects of meaning of a lexical source are lost and which are preserved through grammaticalization. Analyzing a specific grammaticalized product, namely the auxiliary verb xâstan, the future marker, through the lexical xâstan ‘to want’ in Persian, we will suggest that the evolution of the target grammatical meaning, the future, through grammaticalization process occurs applying semantic bleaching by way of which the entire idiosyncratic semantic features are vanished but the image-schematic structure. This must mean that an image-schema is abstracted from the earlier lexical sense since it would be potentially much more immanent and pervasive than the fully fleshed-out lexical meaning.

1. Introduction
This paper is an attempt to unify our understanding of semantics change and in particular to treat the semantic change attendant on grammaticalization, the process through which the development of grammatical forms by progressive deterioration of previously autonomous words is made possible by weakening of the pronunciation, of the concrete sense of the words, and of the expressive value of words and groupings of words. The ancillary word can end up as an element lacking independent meaning as such, linked to a principal word to mark its grammatical role. We will argue that the semantic phenomenon known as “bleaching”, recognized as the core or the embryonic stage of grammaticalization, may well fall out of ordinary trends in semantic change, taken together with an independently motivated understanding of lexical and grammatical meaning domains. The main question of the present research is to find out if the senses are totally evaporated or are partially weakened during grammaticalization and what in fact happens to them as the weakening or loss of meaning is considered as a way of describing the meaning-change often seen accompanying the process of grammaticalizing a lexical item.  We shall attempt to define which aspects of the meaning are vanished and which will be preserved when a lexical items transforms to a grammatical item. Far apart the concept of generalization proposed by Bybee and Pagliuca (1985), our chief claim is that, an analysis of meaning-transfer as metaphorically structured based upon a cognitive semantic approach, for the case of the Persian lexical verb xâstan ‘to want’ which is grammaticalized to the future marker, will enable us to foretell which inferences are kept across transfer of sense. Bybee and Pagliuca (1985) demonstrate that generalization is an immanent dramatization of grammaticalization sense-shifts. Their analysis would be straightforwardly comprehensible in terms of conventional “bleaching” through which and in an objectivist feature-structured theory of meaning, the lexical sense depicts more generality by losing features. However, with the xāstan-future in Persian and probably many other instances of grammaticalization as Sweetser (1988) claims, it seems that we can no longer talk about generalization in the wonted sense. In actual fact, and regarding the Persian future marker, it is hard to see the emergence of future meaning through the lexical verb xāstan connoting wanting something or even someone (here it literary means to love someone), or to wish or intend to do something, as a process of generalization thanks to the fact that the volition sense encoding through the lexical xâstan does not, in truth, embrace the future sense. Neither futurity nor volition is an instance of the other, nor is it recognizable that meaning is “lost” in the emergence of one of these senses through another. What, afterwards, gives rise to the emergence of futurity through the volition sense of xâstan?  In other words, losing which semantic seeds and preserving which semantic features in the lexical form leads to the creation of the grammatical form? We will try to answer this question which was basically raised by Millet (1912) tackling the new subject of grammaticalization and which is still with us through the cognitive declarations of the words’ semantic architecture in the theory of cognitive semantics. In line with Talmy (1985 and elsewhere), we will portray that since grammatical meanings are inherently topological and schematic, the development from lexical to grammatical function accompanies projecting the image-schematic topological structure of the source lexical domain, which indeed bears schematic structure in addition to the other aspects of the rich lexical semantic content. In the next part we will turn to the specific example of the xâstan-future and will use this illustration to clarify what is meant by the transfer of schematic structure through the journey of grammaticalization.

2. Methodology
Our supported clarification will draw essentially on the work of Talmy (1985, 2000, 2003). Talmy has declared that grammatical meaning is intrinsically topological and schematic, whereas lexical meaning is not. It implies that one can anticipate to discover grammatical morphemes marking, for example, topological relations on a linear scale (A is greater than B), but not actual distances between points on the scale, or relative spatial position of the two objects, but not the colors of the objects. Lexical meaning, needless to say, can bear topological aspects as well, besides the other aspects of rich lexical semantic content, be that as it may, grammatical meaning is restricted to the schematic structuring of meaning. With that in mind, Lakoff (1987) has also asserted that metaphorical mapping hereditarily projects the image-schematic topological structure of the source domain (notwithstanding, we also reckon that, across a metaphorical mapping from one domain to another, other meaning features may be preserved). Scrutinizing the data submitted in the present contribution from the body of written texts from Old, Middle, Early New Persian and New Persian on the development of the peculiar case of the lexical verb xâstan ‘to want’ to the axillary future marker, and reviewing our 10 participants’ answers with reference to their envisaged schema of both the “wanting” and the future tense scenarios, we epitomized that the image schema for xâstan ‘to want’ which in essence inheres a displacement along a linear path from a source proximal to or compatible with ego towards a goal distal as depicted in the following cline.
             Source                     Path                     Goal
It is discerned that the “wanting” storyline initiates with the source “wanter”, the one who wants something, and terminates with the goal “wanted”, the thing which is wanted, and at long last the path which implies the process of “wanting” and is undeniably stretched over time. Fascinatingly, if we take a deeper look at the whole plot of the future tense, commensurate with our participants’ future image schema, we will come across the similar image schema: the representation of a journey from a source in the time of speaking to a goal in the time later than now, or the time of speaking, expressing facts or certainty in future.  In actual fact, there is a perceived partial correlation between the experience of “wanting” and the insight into the time ahead: in all probability, our experience of wanting has given us the idea that we will get to the wanted points more remote from the path-source at upcoming times than points neighboring the path-source. Therefore, logically, we can encode futurity through the image schema of “wanting”.

3. Results
In the present research, with respect to a diachronic analysis of the grammaticalization of the verb xâstan to the future marker in Persian in addition to evaluating our Persian speaking participants’ related image schemata of both wanting and futurity affairs, a novel speculation will be put forward which copes with the semantic bleaching through grammaticalization in reference to a cognitive semantics approach. Within this interpretation, the metaphorical mapping of “wanting” onto “futurity” puts in the shade any correspondence between the future time and the certain features of lexical xâstan ‘to want’ namely the animate subject or the obligatory object, rather it transfers the internal schematic structure of “wanting” to that of “futurity” predominantly. According to the hypothesis articulated in the present contribution, the inferences preserved in mapping “wanting” onto “futurity” are as follows: (1) The linearity of the interdependence between the loci: the present time that we wish for something in the time ahead and encoding the time ahead at present time. (2) The position of ago at the source of the linear path: the present is proximal in time, to such an extent that our current position is proximal with regards to our desires which are going to be embodied in coming times. (3) Resettlement away from the proximal source-path on the road to a distal goal, on the grounds that both “wanting” and “futurity” stories cast round for something far-flung. On account of this, we apprehend that the metaphorical mapping of the image schema from “wanting” to “futurity” preserves this topological structure, meaning to say, the topologically structured image schema (passing over such particulars as the animate subject or the obligatory object) is abstracted from the lexical xâstan and convincingly mappable onto the domain of futurity with preservation of the topology. In this mapping, and through what we know as semantic bleaching in grammaticalization, we lose the sense of the obligatory physical object or the animate subject of the lexical verb at the moment that a novel grammatical function of future tense arises. Accordingly, we cannot be supposed to have lost the whole particles of meaning, we have rather substituted the embedding of the image schema of a concrete space of “wanting” in an abstract domain of time.

4. Conclusion
It has long been established that independent lexical content words can change their status in sentence being reanalyzed and grammaticalized as more bound, functional, and grammatical words. Since the earliest attempts to more recently works on grammaticalization, meaning change which has been believed to be of bleached characterization has been of responsibility for the development. However, “bleaching” in meaning change, related to grammaticalization, is not as inevitable as “bleaching” if you think about dresses in your washing machine, in other words, the bleaching puzzle raised in grammaticalization does not precisely reveals why and in what sense do meanings bleach in grammaticalization? The present contribution was undertaken to evaluate the process of semantic beaching during grammaticalization in terms of the vanished angles, those causing the result of meaning change come into sight paler than the original meaning, and the preserved ones. In this paper, we have developed an account of the image schema in meaning change. Analyzing the instance of gradual development of the Persian future marker, namely the axillary verb xâstan through the lexical counterpart xâstan ‘to want’, as a typical case, we illustrated that the bleached parts of meaning are related to the detailed, concrete, physical and full content while the preserved part relates to the image schema. Evaluating the image schemata of both lexical and grammatical, (the future marker), counterparts, and the participants’ answers regarding the image schemata of the lexical and the axillary verb, we portrayed that both image schemata share similar pattern namely source-path-goal.   The hypothesis built in this paper validates that meaning bleaching during the emergence of future marker through the lexical verb xâstan ‘to want’, we regard as the heart of meaning shift in the diachronic process of grammaticalization, involves bleaching of rich semantic features of the lexical counterpart namely the subject animacy, the subject volition or the obligatory presence of thing or event object. However, the source-path-goal image schema which subsists of the lexical is preserved in the new construction, the future marker.




 

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Compound verbs are among the important linguistic categories in different languages which have been the subject of many studies from different aspects of syntactic, semantic, and cognitive researches. A compound verb can be said that is a verb formed from two (or even more) parts: a verb, and mostly a noun, or an adverb or a preposition. A compound verb functions as a single verb. It has two components one of which is a light verb , which carries inflections, and it contributes to some extent to the whole meaning. The other part is typically a noun which bears the most of the semantics of a compound. In this paper, the semantic features of idiomatic compound verbs of the spoken Farsi are described and analyzed to reach out the possible explanation behind the semantic reading of those compound verbs in Farsi. This non-compositionality results in opacity and it is not easy for Farsi learners to guess the meanings. A new non-compositional hypothesis are proposed in this paper which explains the process of interpretation and reading of an idiomatic compound verb is essentially based on the non-verbal element of the compound and the figurative and idiomatic meaning is activated based on a marked collocation with a verb with which the non-verbal part has no semantic compositionality. This hypothesis is called Three-layered reading of idiomatic compounds.

1. Introduction
Compound verb formation is a frequent and ongoing process in Farsi. It could be considered as a creative linguistic phenomenon. Persian compound verbs are the composition of a nonverbal element and a verbal element; the nonverbal elements include nouns, adjectives, adverbs, prepositional phrases, and particles. As Wyatt describes it, phrasal verbs sometimes have meanings that you can easily guess (for example, sit down or look for). However, in most cases, their meanings are quite different from the meanings of the verb they are formed from. For example, hold up can mean 'to cause a delay' or 'to try to rob someone'. The original meaning of hold (for example, to hold something in your hands) no longer applies.
Verbal elements comprise some Persian simple verbs which are called light verbs according to Jespersen’s definition. The light verb is a simple verb that has undergone semantic bleaching (Vahedi langroodi, 1996; Karimi-Doostan, 1997; 2005). It can be said that a compound verb is a verb that is composed of one or more nonverbal components and a simple or compound verbal component. Compound verbs could be divided into two categories from a semantic point of view: composites and idiomatic (Karimi, 1997). In composite verbs, the meaning of the verb is somehow predictable from the meaning of its components; transparent, semi-transparent, or semi-ambiguous.

2. Literature Review
Despite many studies on morphologically complex and compound nouns, studies on morphologically complex and compound verbs are rare (e.g., Smolka et al., 2009; Smolka et al., 2010 for German; Feldman et al., 2002 for Serbian; among others). Guevara and Scalise believe (2009: 125) that it is remarkable the literature has dedicated a great deal of attention to just one case in compounding [...] that is endocentric subordinate right-headed [N+N]N compounds. While this pattern is certainly the canonical instance of compounding in the world’s languages, it is by no means the only one. Future work on the typology and the theory of compounding will necessarily have to shift the tendency shown until now by concentrating on the analysis of the many remaining compound types.
There is a considerable literature of study on compound verbs in Farsi by different scholars, namely, Lambton (1984), Bateni (1969), sadeghi(1970), khanlari (1976) ,windfuhr (1979), Mohammad and karimi (1992), Ghomeshi (1996), Vahedi langroodi ( 1996), Dabir Moghadam (1997), Karimi-Doostan (1997; 2005). Khanlary (2004) states that compound verbs will gradually replace simple verbs in modern Persian and this process started in the 13th century.

1. Methodology

In this paper, the morpho-semantics features of compound verbs of Farsi are described and analyzed to reach out to the possible patterns behind the semantic complexity of those compound verbs in Farsi. Around 180 idiomatic verbs from spoken Persian in Tehran were collected and several sample verbs were analyzed individually to testify three-layered reading of idiomatic compounds which is the main hypothesis of this research. 

2. Results

Bagasheva (127) states clearly that among the problems of compounds and compounding (including CVs) which are still at the center of ongoing debates, we find the interpretation of compounds as syntactic or morphological objects (Bisetto & Scalise, 1999; Neeleman & Ackema 2004, etc.); their properties as lexicalized objects or as the products of fully productive morphology, i.e. are they lexicalized items or morphological objects? (Gaeta & Ricca, 2009); issues over their headedness, is it as a unified concept or as a parameterized one (Lieber, 2004; Scalise & Guevaram, 2006; Scalise et al., 2009, etc.); the nature of their basic onomasiological function – naming or descriptive; the nature of their processing as on a situation computation online or as retrieval of stored ready-made lexical units (Libben & Jarema, 2006); the nature of their internal semantics in terms of compositionality (Benzces, 2006; Bundgaard et al., 2006; 2007); the status of their constituents as words or roots/stems or something else entirely (Trask, 1999; Bauer, 2005).
Dabir Moghadam (1997) intends to show there are two major types of compound verb formation in Persian: combination and incorporation. He supports his claim with different arguments. He mentions four major differences between compound verbs via incorporation and those formed by combination. He claims that semantically the verbs formed via combination and incorporation constitute conceptual wholes. He also suggests that compounds formed through direct-object incorporation and compounds that are the result of the combination of adjectives and auxiliaries do not need to be included as separate entries in Persian dictionaries since they are semantically transparent. The last feature suggests that compound–verb formation through incorporation is productive and the compound itself is referentially transparent, whereas compound-verb formation via combination is relative to incorporation, limited to productivity, and the compound usually involves metaphoric extension. There are hundreds of compound verbs in everyday usage of Farsi language among which one can find a large portion with idiomatic meaning. The most transparent compound verbs of Farsi are incorporated ones that are not completely lexicalized. The typical and most frequent compound verbs have lexical entries in the lexicon which means they do not have semantic compositionality and hence opaque in meaning. However, there are a lot of idiomatic compound verbs in Farsi which have figurative meaning. In this function, the usage of compound verbs is very high among Farsi speakers and the process of emerging idiomatic compound verbs is highly creative.
There are different reports on the number of Persian simple verbs; Khanlary (2004), for instance, suggests 279 verbs, Sadeghi (1994) discusses 115 verbs and Family (2006) talks about 160 verbs and this shows that Persian native speakers intend to use the productive combination of compound verbs to express verbal concepts and the usage of simple verbs is decreasing intensively. The specific feature of Persian compound verbs which is rare in other languages has motivated the Iranian and non-Iranian linguists to provide different analyses of this structure from different approaches (Bagherbeigi & Shamsfard ,2012).
Many compound verbs in Farsi have no literal or compositional meaning. This non-compositionality results in opacity, and it is not easy for Farsi learners to guess the meanings. To be non-compositional does not mean to have a figurative meaning, although we can find many compound verbs in Farsi with a metaphorical and figurative meaning. The examples below show compound verbs which are opaque and non-compositional:
Man zamin khordam.
I       ate      ground
I fell down.
“Khordan” is a light verb meaning to eat but as a light verb here has no semantic content. In the following example, “khordan” is a light verb in the compound verb and it has figurative meaning and it is still opaque:
Harfamo kordam va chizi nagoftam.
My speech ate and nothing was said.
I kept from and said nothing.
Some Iranian linguists as Dabir Moghadam suggests ghaza khordan(to eat food) in the following example as a case of incorporation. It could be understood as transparent and compositional:
Zara diruz ghaza khord.
Zara yesterday food ate.
Zara ate food yesterday.
Regardless of discussions on this issue if these types of incorporating verbs as “Ghaza Khordan” could be considered a compound verb or not, it seems that as long as it has not been lexicalized as a single verb and untied concept in the minds of Farsi speakers it leaves many debates. In a typical compound verb, the light verb lacks its semantic base and adds some meaning and it bears inflection but in incorporation as “Ghaza khordan” as it was seen the light verb has the core meaning and determines the output of the compound.
As another example, we have the light verb “Zadan” which could be found in several compounds in Farsi. It has lexical meanings of "to hit" and "to strike". Although the literal translation gives a figurative meaning, the intended meaning is not figurative.
Opaque and non-compositional:
?U dor zad.
Transparent and compositional:
Doostam ra kotak zadand.
My friend  OBJ-marker drub hit.
They hit/drubbed my friend.
A noun in the formation of a compound verb has a collocation with some light verbs. The process of compound verb formation follows some semantic restrictions. Hence, it is not general but rather it is a single lexical entry that has combinational meaning and complex form with its specific collocation. Compounding by itself is generative in Farsi. Many simple verbs in English have a compound equivalent in Farsi. For example:

English verbs	Farsi verbs
organize	sazman dehi kardan
invite	davit kardan
develop	tose dadan
mobilize	harekat kardan
call	seda/zang zadan
postpone	be takhir andakhtan
push	feshar dadan
change	taghir dadan
encounter	movajeh shodan
discuss	bahs kardan
observe	moshahede kardan
lie	dorough goftan

                                                    
As it could be seen many concepts which are expressed by a simple verb in English have compound verbs equivalent in Farsi. The reason could be said to be the analytical tendency of Farsi language which moves toward more compounding while uses less derivation and inflection forms. Farsi had an inflectional tendency regarding morphological typology in the old and middle era of its history.
A native language can easily realize that a compound has a figurative meaning though its form is far from being ambiguity. As an example in " kolah gozashtan" which means to cheat some and take his/her money, a Farsi speaker knows that it has nothing to do with its literal meaning that is "to put hat on someone's head". If he/she hears the following sentence:
U               sare     man(ra)   kolah gozasht.
He/She      head     me(OBJ-marker)        hat     put.
He/she cheated me.
A Farsi speaker takes for granted its figurative meaning as its intentional meaning and he understands it just in the meaning of cheating. However, if the sentence is with the following structure there is no compounding involved and the primary meaning is lexical:

U           kolah       ro                  sare      man    gozasht.
He/she the OBJ+marker    head     my      put
He/She   put the hat on my head.
As it could be found from the examples if we could separate the noun from the vector, there is no compounding anymore and the result is a simple verb and its object. The non-separation in a compound verb is a key issue that results in a single entry with specific features and meanings. A typical compound could have a lexical or figurative meaning but its noun could not be regarded as its object.
Three-layered reading of idiomatic compounds was proved to work for the semantic analysis of idiomatic compound verbs in Persian. Regarding meaning transparency a cline could represent three different kinds of compound verbs from the transparent one to the opaque kind which could be represented as follows:
Incorporated compound verbs              metaphorical compound verbs                idiomatic compound verbs
  (transparent)      (semi-transparent/opaque)          (opaque)
 

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In this paper a heuristic method, called Moving Window K-Nearest Neighbors (MW-KNN), for detecting QRS complexes was developed. To achieve this, a new simple 2-D geometrical feature space (feature space dimension was equal to 2) was extracted from the original electrocardiogram (ECG) signal. In this method, a sliding window was moved sample-by-sample on the preprocessed ECG signal. During each forward sliding, an artificial image was generated from the excerpted segment allocated in the window. Each image estimated by a 300×300 pixels matrix. Then, a pictorial-geometrical feature extraction technique based on curve-length was applied to each image for establishment of an appropriate feature space. Afterwards the K-Nearest Neighbors (KNN) Classification method was designed and implemented to the ECG signal. The proposed methods were applied to DAY general hospital high resolution holter data. For detection of QRS complex the average values of sensitivity Se = 99.93% and positive predictivity P+ = 99.88% were obtained.

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The necessity to meet ongoing needs of industry, considering theoretical progress achievements and availability of cost-effective equipment, has encouraged numerous researchers to investigate the application of monitoring systems. In this paper the sound localization is implemented to find the impact position on the surface of a plate. As an experimental example the sound caused by ball impact on a ping pong table is used. For this purpose, a database is gathered. These sound's signals were recorded 25 times at 5 different points along the length of the table by a low cost microphone, attached to the surface. In the proposed method, first the data related to the ball impacts are detected and isolated from the whole pc recorded signals sent by the microphone. Then, the above 125 impacts are clustered based on the impact point locations, using a 4 dimensional space feature extracted from statistical signal moments. Furthermore in order to specify sound localization, a second space feature based on energy of wavelet transform coefficient signals was extracted. Ultimately for clustering the impact point locations, an artificial neural network was designed and applied to the above data. The results show average values of sensitivity Se=91.20% and positive predictivity P+=91.18%. Also, sensitivity Se=91.97% and positive predictivity P+‌=‌93.45%, correspondingly for impact localization.

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In this study the sound localization is implemented to find the impact position on the surface of a glass plate using acoustical sensors. As an experimental example, the sound caused by ping pong ball impact on the glass plate is used. Most of the published paper algorithms are based on using large number of sensor with high sampling rates. In this study a new method is extended due to sound localization. In the proposed method, by reducing the number of sensors into two, a pattern for secondary points is extended. In the specified pattern, locations of points are restricted according to the sensors signal frequency specification. To achieve this goal, a database is gathered from sound caused by ball impact on the glass plate. Furthermore, in order to specify sound localization, space feature based on entropy of wavelet transform coefficient signals from frequency domain of impacts and geometrical specification was extracted. Finally by implementing signal processing into the data the location of impacts are specified. The results show average values of error and Standard deviation 17 centimeter and 1.34, respectively.