---

In this work, the conceptual evolution of the term of "revolution"is discussed as a narrative history and historical method. Revolution is a complicated and, multidimensional concept and has a long history in literature, philosophy and other sciences such as astronomy (Yoder, 1926: 433). The aim of this paper is historical – conceptual searching about the term "revolution" that was started with this supposition that, it refers to social, political and economic transformation. In other words, the term of "revolution" in pre-modern literature has a retrogressive meaning, or referring back to the starting point. It has found its way philosophy, literature and the humanities into from astronomy

---

The subject of this paper is analyzing the attitudes of political groups within the government, towards the role of people in the political system. Research question is: "How is political culture of the ruling political groups"? Theoretical argument of this paper is related to the political cultures theories. Assumptions of this article were tested through qualitative and quantitative techniques. Experimental results indicated that the attitude of political groups from the first period of presidential elections to the nineth period of the election has changed from task-oriented attitude to right-oriented attitude. After the seventh presidential election, this attitude change was quite tangible. .

---

Why is state, and in a broader view, political system or government, responsible for directing and governing individuals' conduct "both in individual and species level"? And how it accomplishes this "will of governing"? The answers to these questions appear to be different based on our way of perceiving categories such as government, power, or their due relation to the subject. The perspective design of "governmentality" by Foucault could be taken as inception of a new domain in which the triplet categories of government, power and subject are interrelated. It is shown in this perspective that how government's reluctance in using mere violence and, at the meantime, willing to govern people through it will inevitably make subjectification as the sole possible answer to the particular epistemological horizon of the governmentality problematic; an answer, which in form, on the one hand, multiplicities all government arts and, appears as multiplying all government institutions on the other. The form of conceptualizing how power operates, not only explains blurring of boundaries between persuasion and consent during the governmentalization of individuals to create desired subjects, but also it denies “the participation of desire in repressing itself”.

---

This research aims to explain the process of hegemonization of justice-based conservative discourses, through the third decade of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s Revolution (1380-1384). Due to the advantages of Laclau and Mouffe’s theory on systematic representation of discursive conflicts (disappearance of a discourse and emergence of another), we used this theory as an efficient theoretical framework and as a research methodology strategy for our present work. In competitive processes and based on the context developed by insecurities and mutability of the reformist discourse, e.g. issues in political and cultural arenas, negligence in economic domain, disagreements on theoretic and operational meanings of major concepts of discourse, etc., justice-based conservative discourse managed to provide the requirements of marginalization of reformists and deconstruction of some of their major concepts, such as reforms, people, law, etc. This was the result of a sequence of wins starting by the second round of city council election in the end of 1380s, followed by the seventh parliament election in the end of 1382 and the presidential election in 1384. In this period, the conservative discourse was able to create a new semantic order through which not only were the previous government criticized and their defects and inefficiencies in justice-based attention and security of people’s welfare and economic needs were mentioned, but also they attempted to deconstruct concepts and meanwhile increase self-accessibility and reputation in public thoughts. Finally, this discourse dominated the political sectors of the country for some years as the hegemonic discourse.

---

Abstract
Despite significant studies in the field of cultural revolutions; comparative study of Iran, China and Russia Cultural Revolutions is less common due to the role of religion. The question of this study was how did each of the cultural revolutions in Russia, China, and Iran relate to the religious teachings of the social context in which they occurred?
According to the study conditions, the authors have briefly addressed the secular and revolutionary-religion approaches in cultural revolutions and attempted to test these approaches by using the comparative-historical method based on the selected events. Historical-comparative study has been done in intra-systemic and inter-systemic form; at the intra-systemic level the process of relationship between the two phenomena has been narrated and at the inter-systemic level the religious characteristics of the Cultural Revolution in the three countries have been compared using the Mill methods.
Findings shows that in all three cases, the role of religion is important, but the Iranian characteristics support the ideal perspective and the characteristics of Russia and China confirm the instrumental perspective on the role of religion in the Cultural Revolution. The results of the article, while confirming the authors' claim, explain the differences and similarities between the three events studied.