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Today’s study of the common effect condition on color revolution in target countries is one of the important issues on political sociology. In this paper, we used the John Stewart Mill’s method for finding the common cause factors. These factors are social movement, civil institutions, political culutres in societies, structures, national and international situation of government and hegemony power inventing. They have an important role in the of achievement color revolution. In this paper, we used new social movement theories, mass public behavioral theories and revolution theories through comparative analysis of the most important factors in color revolution on target countries. Then we compared the same factors in the condition of Iranian society. The results indicated that Iranian society suffers for the following: miss trust, lock of team work behavior, weakness of civil institutions development, incomplete modernization expeperience, and lack of preparedness for accepting the structural changes. Also, due to lack of strong opposition power and other factors, the probability of color revolution in Iran is very weak.

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The present study is an attempt to describe the Islamic reformist discourse in the post-Islamic Revolution: The Main Characters who are the producers of this discourse and were selected for this study in clnde: Seyyed Mohammad Khatami, Seyyed Mohammad Mousavi Bojnordi and Seyyed Mohammad Mousavi Khomeini. The main questions of the present study are: 1- Who are the producers of this discourse 2- Why do they speak? 3- What do they speak about? 4- How do they speak? 5- Who are the addressees? and 6-What action do they propose? The methodology adopted for this research is qualitative discourse analysis. Sampling is the kind of judgments concerning the main producers and speeches, besides the other people. In each of the following research questions, we referred to the works of thinkers emphasizing on these important issues; discussion of civil society, constitution, religious government. Discourse of Islamic reformism provides us with some insight regarding the nature of "religious discourse" in the today Iran: the discourses mentioned, despite their differences in method, are preoccupied with a single issue in their approach to the religion and modern world. Evaluation of the methods used by the argued discourses shows, in spite of some differences with other discourses, they enjoy a common viewpoint in referring to religious texts and in using "traditional approach".

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There is still controversy over the organization of the two languages in a single brain and the degree of similarities and differences in linguistic processing across the two languages in a bilingual brain. In the present study, the researchers aimed at comparing L1 and L2 lexical richness and speech fluency in aphasic bilinguals. Fifteen right-handed Bilingual (Azari: L1 – Persian: L2) female patients within the age range of 30 and 70 years who were diagnosed with a specific type of aphasia due to cerebrovascular accident and head trauma were selected for the study. Neurolinguistic assessments of the patients were done once at the time of onset of aphasia and also three weeks after the onset of aphasia with the use of Azari and Persian versions of the Bilingual Aphasia Test (BAT). The extent of damage to lexical systems and speech fluency in both L1 and L2 at the mentioned time points were compared for each individual. According to the results, different degrees of impairments and different patterns of recovery of L1 and L2 lexical system and speech fluency were observed in aphasic bilinguals. Indeed, most of the patients improved in the measured categories three weeks after the onset of aphasia. However, the difference was not statistically significant between L1 and L2 lexical richness and speech fluency in aphasic bilinguals (p>0.05). The results of the present study are probably in favor of the notion which advocates that bilinguals have differentiated linguistic systems. However, further larger studies are suggested.
 

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This article begins with the presupposition that the idea of the Islamic Revolution was born in historical social context and intellectual and political currents 20s, so the problem, it is that How did the religious, intellectual and political in this decade? Which has provided social and historical context for the sociological phenomenon as the revolution.
In order to obtain ideas of the Islamic Revolution in separate thematic analysis of leader and elites Islamic Revolution thought and in this study whit the searching the religious, intellectual and political situation in 20s, achieved this result that Revolutionary thought is closer to one of the intellectual and political currents of the decade.
Whereof four major currents of thought and political had social life in the that tract  free space, after a brief mention of the status of that tract, will be discussed, to recognize these trends, but where of 57 Iran’s revolution have give Islamic indicating, most the focus of this article is to understand the ideas of the two branches of political Islamism, the religious fundamentalism and religious modernism in the 1320s. the religious fundamentalism is current that in the religious knowledge sees no need to change and is trying to extract answers all the questions and needs of modernity from religion in the from of pre-existing, not with a new understanding of religion, and religious modernism that includes a wide range, is trying to respond modernity to new understanding of religion that it leads to changes in religious knowledge in this paper is discussed in detail to the stream.

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This research is a comparative study of the two discourses of the religious intellectual of the 40s and the discourse of the Islamic Revolution. In this essay, the author first used the epistemological framework of Lacla and Mouffe's theory and its methodological strategy to articulate these discourses based on their central slab. Shariati, with a sociological point of view, was able to present a political image of Islam centered on "revolutionary-social Islam", and the forerunner of the Islamic Revolution. In the continuation of this discourse, the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, also with a jurisprudential approach, with the focus of "pure Islam" as the central axis in the epicenter of the epistemological and thematic, of all political movements after the Islamic Revolution, with the same discursive components, was able to reproduce in a newer and more different form of production and theorize. Findings of the research indicate that both discourses, based on the belief in the combination of religion and politics with a relatively democratic approach and through the use of the "nations and pontificate" system, were able to establish their ideal state which, in contrast to totalitarian systems, religion the traditional and supportive clerics led to the marginalization of the dominant discourse and ruling of the era, the "Pahlavi’s discourse”. Both of these discourses, with the limitations of the powers of the leadership, however, despite the differences in the form and content, were able to emphasize the role of the people and their influence on the choice.

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Measuring the welfare effects of energy subsidy reform is one of the most essential steps in determining the conditions and scenarios of energy price reform. Therefore, the main goal of this article is to survey how energy price reform affects the welfare of rural and urban households’ income deciles. This research uses the standard computable general equilibrium model based on legislated scenarios approved by Parliament in 2010. In addition, the supportive and income redistribution policies resulting from energy price reform are simulated and analyzed. The results show that rising energy prices leads to reduction in welfare of all urban and rural households especially in the lower income deciles. In addition, increasing energy prices causes more drop in the welfare of rural households in comparison with urban ones. Therefore, the supportive and income redistribution policies resulting from energy price reform under various redistribution scenarios considerably compensate the lost welfare of households.

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