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Introduction: The main purpose of organizing space in each country is, firstly, providing an optimal service to the maximum of citizens and, secondly, managing the people who live in a country. Despite numerous attempts, geographical space of Iran is away from the spatial justice and the center-periphery pattern is the dominant pattern of its spatial relationships. The aim of this study was to investigate the foundations of spatial injustice in Iran. This paper with analytical–descriptive method and relying on the library resources tried to identify and classify the factors affecting the spatial injustice in Iran.
Conclusion: Spatial injustice in Iran comes from two main areas, including the natural, cultural, social, and economic conditions of any geographic location (the inherent characteristics of the regions), and the political economy of space, decisions of policy makers, and economic planners. The peripheral areas with 16 provinces and central areas with 14 provinces (including Alborz province) form the political space of Iran. Peripheral areas of the country include about 50% of area and 50.7% of the population, showing that 50% of development of the country should be concentrated in border areas so that regional balances are established in the spatial pattern of Iran. The focus of facilities and services in the center causes the remoteness of some provinces and their exclusion from these benefits.

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After the Cold War, the People's Republic of China emerged as a major economic power in the world. Today, this country has been able to spread its influence, especially economically, to all parts of the world. One of the strategic points where this country is in strategic competition with Europe and America is the African continent. This study attempts to present the causes and contexts of China's influence in Africa. Therefore, considering the fact that many studies have been conducted on China's actions and influence in Africa so far; in order to establish a theoretical consensus among the researches, this study tries to explain the strategic and important reasons for China's influence in Africa in a theoretical framework. Therefore, the philosophy of interpretive research has been chosen to achieve the appropriate model in this field with a qualitative approach and content analysis techniques. It should be noted that among the 298 articles containing China's geopolitical goals and interests, 8 articles were extracted according to the KASP rubric scoring system. The final result indicates that one of the most important geopolitical interests in Africa are economic goals pursued according to the soft principles and ideological cultural structure of China.
 

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The rivalry between China and the United States in the new century is one of the most important drivers of geopolitical rivalries at various regional and trans regional levels. China is considered one of the great powers that has the potential to become a superpower and challenge the current position of the United States, something that has worried US strategists and officials. As a result, in the second decade of the 21st century, the United States shifted the focus of its national security strategy from the Middle East to East Asia in order to counter this potential threat. With the withdrawal or diminishing presence of the US presence in the region, traditional US allies such as Israel and Arab countries are afraid of expanding the sphere of influence of their geopolitical rivals, namely Iran and Turkey, and given the historical experiences of the region and Iran's geopolitical influence in the current situation, these countries have been forced to cooperate bilaterally and multilaterally. Israel has traditionally chosen the Peripheral Alliance strategy as a complement to its national security strategy. Given the possibility of a reduction in military forces in the Middle East, the Arab-Israeli agreement in the form of the Abraham Accords Peace Agreement seems to represent a new Rimland with the aim of controlling and limiting the geopolitical influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Using the descriptive-analytical method and based on library and Internet resources, tries to provide a geopolitical explanation of the Abrahamic Accords in terms of its effects and consequences on regional relations in the Persian Gulf and especially the goals and interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The results show that if the project is implemented, we can expect the emergence of a new regional Rimland with the aim of controlling and weakening Iran.

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The growing trend of local conflicts within the national space of countries and between the political-administrative realms raises this issue that on what factors and foundations are such conflicts and tensions are based and what mechanism do they follow? Although fundamental differences and contradictions in various spatial -geographical, social, cultural and ethnic, historical, political, etc are the basis of many internal tensions and conflicts in countries, the method of management and political organization of the space in the form of civil divisions is one of the most important factors intensifying or reducing these conflicts. Therefore, in this research, using the descriptive-analytic method and relying on library resources, the most important causes and sources of tension and conflict among political-administrative realms within countries are discussed. The results showed that factors such as the pattern of political management of national space, changes in borders and boundaries of the administrative divisions, natural and cultural heterogeneity in divided units, unbalanced development of political -administrative units, the geography of power and support participation, local competitions, electoral constituency, place senses of units and the resulting identity effects, unbalanced shapes and sizes of divided units, border disputes and environmental issues are the most important factors in creating tension and conflict among political -administrative realms. All of these factors are in a systematic relationship and their interactions will intensify conflicting interests and diverge and eventually create tensions and conflicts among the political -administrative realms.

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Introduction
 Slums as an output of spatial imbalances originating from the injustice of space is one of the most important foundations threatening security and development in individual and collective scales. Ahvaz ranks first in the country in terms of the area of ​​ Slums areas with ten districts, and in terms of the marginal population with 450 thousand people, it is one of the densest marginal areas in the country. The impact of the Slums areas can be investigated and analyzed from various aspects, one of the most important aspects of these studies is the spatial analysis of crimes in the Slums areas of the city and the identification of crime-prone areas for the prevention of crimes in the city. Space of Ahvaz city has two important features. The first is the extent and the second is the presence of marginal areas. The marginal neighborhoods of Ahvaz city include Shalang Abad, Siyahi, Ain Do, Al Safi, Hasir Abad, Zargan, Zargan, Zoway, Cheniba, and Malashieh. In this article, focusing on crimes such as armed robbery, extortion, brawl, shooting, and murder, the marginal neighborhoods have been examined and ranked in terms of the five crimes index.
Methodology
This article will be organized using the descriptive-analytical method and the use of theoretical and field studies of research findings. In order to analyze the theoretical aspects of the research, library data, documents, electronic references, etc. have been used. Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP) has been used to determine the weight of crimes and the Vicor technique in Excel in order to rank areas in terms of the occurrence of five types of crimes.
Finding
The findings show that the ranking of the marginal neighborhoods in terms of five types of crimes, from the highest to the lowest amount, respectively, including Al-Safi, Hasir Abad, and the source of water,
Shelang Abad, Siyahi and Ain Do, Malashieh, Cheniba, and Zargan. And it is Zoya.
Insecurity caused by urban marginalization can be categorized into three scales: 1- local scale; which include: the suburbs of the city. In general, insecurity in the city can be seen and investigated in the following two ways: A: Crimes in urban life such as armed robbery, extortion, shooting, etc. B: Violent acts that are usually collective. Such as: conflict and quarrel 2- Regional or metropolitan scale of Ahvaz city: the marginal areas of Ahvaz city provide a suitable platform for the residence of criminals and criminals due to the possibility of reduced police security surveillance. In this scale, insecurity and crime gradually penetrate from the marginal neighborhoods to other neighborhoods in Ahvaz. And the security of Ahvaz metropolis faces a crisis. 3- Regional scale or Khuzestan province: After the spread of insecurity and crime at the local and regional level, there is a possibility of reflecting the absence or reduction of insecurity from Ahvaz metropolis to the scale of Khuzestan province. This level of insecurity goes beyond crime-prone urban areas. Decreasing the security of Ahvaz city as its political centrality for Khuzestan province has economic, political, cultural, social, etc. dimensions on this scale is important for Khuzestan province. Therefore, in the line of research, the Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP) has been used to determine the weight of crimes and Vicor technique in Excel in order to rank areas in terms of the occurrence of five types of crimes. So that the marginal neighborhoods are ranked in terms of five crimes and the neighborhoods that have more crime potential than other areas are identified.
Conclusion
One of the most important issues arising from the governance of the marginalization conditions in the country's metropolises. At present, Ahvaz, due to the centrality of the province and the presence of higher education centers, specialized medical services, power plants, and industrial and commercial centers, has welcomed immigrants from the cities and settlements of Khuzestan province and other provinces. The situation of the marginal neighborhoods of Ahvaz is in an unfavorable situation in terms of human development and physical space. And it affects the increase of urban crimes. This important point is the need to pay attention to spatial justice at the local and regional levels of Ahvaz city space for the relative equality of human development indicators and physical space. Through the spatial analysis of crimes in the marginal neighborhoods of Ahvaz metropolis, it is possible to identify the neighborhoods that are in an unfavorable situation in terms of related crimes in order to prevent crime.

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The feasibility of any policy document includes understanding the strategic environment of the document development. In such a way that by understanding the strategic environment of the document, the strategic action position as the field of document implementation should be considered in accordance with the prevailing conditions. (Vision document) is a document that expresses the idea of creating, values or a future state of a specific organisation, product or service better than today. In the field of statecraft, vision documents have played and continue to play an irreplaceable role as the basis for the implementation of policies and strategies. These documents act as a link between the ideology of governance and space, as a vital facilitator of the dynamics of the mechanism of policy and space, creating a visible and perceptible space. Vision documents, with a future-oriented view, organise future developments to best meet the current needs of societies and play an effective role in strengthening their central idea. For a developing country, the vision document is not used as a political statement, but as a tool for development planning. Given the importance of matching the geopolitical propositions of the model document with its strategic environment, this article uses a descriptive and analytical method and utilises library and field resources to examine the extent to which the geopolitical propositions of the model document matched the strategic realities of the country in the early fifteenth century.
 

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Geographical space the product is function of many factors, and in which the functioning of policies an entity official institutions and index of means government and thus state great influence on the quality of its formation from the perspective of spatial justice. This is why that a proper understanding of the field spatial justice depends on understanding the interrelationship between politics and space. geographical or spatial justice is the relative equality of comprehensive development indexes (Economic, Infrastructural, political, cultural, social, security and health care) in the geographical places and spaces (micro and macro) of a country with indexes corresponding with development at the national level. Since the construction affair space requires design a model for sensing the amount it is the realization of years as well as changes, and a review of the literature up to today quantitative model and comprehensive is not designed to measure the spatial justice. Accordingly, the main issue of the study the operational model designed sensing spatial justice that it is a case study in Iran. This paper whit describes and analytically methods and whit practical - developed approach in response to the following question: Is can whit a model was able to achieve, continuously sensing spatial justice in the country? The results shows that whit to consider Positive and negative roles of the eight factors and their related indicators can be achieved on Computer software sensing a continuous spatial justice in countries